The following text is an attempt to provide a synthetic explanation of what is behind the above statement and what potential consequences it may have on the international level and in the domestic politics of the United States if the Republican candidate wins this year's election.
Slogan with history
At the beginning of the discussion, we should note that the slogan “America First!” is not the brainchild of either Donald Trump or his campaign team. On the contrary, the origins of this catchy slogan go back to the Republican campaigns of the 1980s. However, the above postulate gained importance with the outbreak of World War I, when it became one of the elements of the shaping of international politics by the then president of the United States, Thomas Woodrow Wilson.
Between 1915 and 1917, the phrase “America First” was to be understood in terms of the neutrality of the United States towards events on the Old Continent and non-involvement in the conflict between the powers of the time. Wilson's change in policy came with the initiation of Germany's "unrestricted submarine warfare," which posed a direct threat to American shipping on the transatlantic trade routes. Interestingly, it was the economic involvement of the United States in the Great War that de facto began the process of strengthening the international role of the United States and, in the long run, translated into the country's acquisition of superpower status.
In the interwar years, the slogan “America First” was taken over by extreme movements, including isolationist, racist (Ku Klux Klan), anti-immigrant and fascist movements. It was also used in the name of the "America First Committee", an organisation that united opponents of the United States' entry into World War II (whose supporters included people suspected of collaborating or sympathising with the Third Reich, such as Charles Lindberg).
The populariser and advocate of the slogan “America First” was Paul Buchanan, a politician – a representative of the so-called paleoconservatism (American political thought, opposed to, among other things, the idea of imperialism/“political messianism” of the United States) a candidate for president of the United States from the side of the Reform Party in 2000, who Donald Trump competed with for the nomination in the primary elections.
The current Republican candidate for the White House has had an “America First” agenda since 2015. Moreover, Donald Trump used the above-mentioned phrase during his presidential inauguration speech on 20 January 2017: “From now on, it will be 'America First'. From this day forward, a new vision will govern our land. From this moment on, it’s going to be America First. Every decision on trade, on taxes, on immigration, on foreign affairs, will be made to benefit American workers and American families”.
Slogan with meaning
As can be seen from the above quote, the “America First” postulate in the vision of Donald Trump’s presidency – both during his term as president and during subsequent election campaigns – remains closely linked to the economic situation of the United States and its relations with other partners on the international stage. It represents a kind of paradigm shift in the functioning of the US, aimed at limiting interventionist actions in the world and prioritising and strengthening the protection of US interests.
The implementation of the above-mentioned postulate by the Donald Trump administration in the years 2017-2021 took place through coordinated actions at the national (internal) and international levels.
In terms of international politics, D. Trump's presidency was marked, on the one hand, by aggravating relations with China (starting the so-called trade war, increasing restrictions on the operation of telecommunications companies, and limiting the possibility of taking over American companies); on the other hand, by putting pressure on partners/members of international organisations, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to increase military spending (up to 2% of GDP); on the third, by developing a new US National Defense Strategy (2018), expanding the armed forces, and limiting the presence of American soldiers on foreign missions; and on the fourth, by withdrawing from specific international projects (including the Paris climate agreement and UNESCO membership) and changing or announcing the renegotiation of trade agreements. The Trump administration also attempted to take actions to limit the inflow of migrants to the United States (including by commencing construction of a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border).
In the case of domestic politics, the concept of “America First” was implemented in conjunction with the second, perhaps the most popular campaign slogan – “Make America Great Again.” Actions in this area included, among other things, the introduction and/or amendment of legal regulations resulting in lower standards in the field of environmental protection; facilitating the operation of enterprises in specific economic sectors (especially the domestic mining industry) and reducing taxes and limiting the financing of non-governmental organisations.
The demands of Donald Trump in this year's election campaign demonstrate his desire to continue the implementation of the above plan.
The Republican Party candidate announces, among other things, taking action to eliminate US dependence on China in critical areas such as pharmaceuticals, metallurgy and technology; ending the Russian-Ukrainian war as soon as possible (without providing a specific plan); introducing the largest deportation plan in the history of the United States; further pressure to increase military spending by NATO member states (which seems to make the United States' fulfilment of its alliance commitments dependent on) and limiting the independence of US federal agencies.
D. Trump is also threatening to withdraw from the World Trade Organisation due to the failure of the organisation itself to comply with the rules, as well as one of its members (China), and indicates that Israel should "end as soon as possible" the war with Hamas.
Slogan with consequences
The implementation of the above-mentioned postulates may bring far-reaching effects in what seems to be the most important sphere at present, which is the so-called security architecture of many countries.
First of all, the decisions of the potential president and his administration to radically limit participation in the European security system may significantly weaken the potential and effectiveness of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which may translate into an increased threat of Russian aggression against the countries of the so-called Eastern Flank of NATO. As a consequence, these countries are trying to accelerate the development of their own military potential and/or build more lasting bilateral relations (for example, the authorities of the Republic of Poland are undertaking and continuing cooperation with the United States in the military, trade and infrastructure areas).
The isolationist aspirations of the potential US authorities may result in a weakening of allied trust in the United States, which in turn will translate into the collapse of the current network of mutual arrangements and, consequently, a decline in the importance of the United States (combined with the growing influence of other countries with which the former allies of the US will conclude strategic agreements) and the loss of the status of a global hegemon.
It is also possible that the worsening of trade relations with China may, over time, develop into an armed conflict, having the nature of a "local" war or, in the event of an unfavourable sequence of events, into another global conflict.
However, we should remember that – due to the aforementioned unpredictability of the Republican candidate – when analysing his programme concepts, the public debate often includes a statement that one cannot really be sure what the president would do during his second term.
This type of doubt also directly affects the implementation of the "America First" postulate, especially at the international level.
Text: Dr Jakub Stępień
Department of Constitutional Law, University of Lodz / Centre for Anglo-American Legal Tradition, University of Lodz
ORCID: 0000-0003-0106-680
The article is a part of the ConLaw24 series, in which the Centre for Anglo-American Legal Tradition takes a closer look at the intricacies of the American legal and political system. We will publish new texts every Tuesday until election day.
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